From
Challenge # 84
March - April 2004
The Veil: Wrong Answer to Racism
Manal Jabour
On February 10, the French parliament decided by a vote of
494 - 36 to outlaw Muslim headscarves in state schools. The ban applies to
all conspicuous religious symbols, including skullcaps and crosses, but
the headscarves have been in the spotlight. If ratified by the Senate, the
measure will become law in September. Thus will end a chapter, but only
a chapter, in the stormy debate that has dominated France for the past two
months. Islamic leaders and political movements all over the Muslim world
have joined forces with the media on this issue, hoping thereby to
increase their influence.
The affair has sown confusion in the Arab world, as
can be seen in the ambivalence of the intellectuals. Some call the French
law a deadly measure that infringes on the right of women to choose their
garb. Others see the veil as a symbol of repression, but in the present
heated atmosphere, they hesitate to take a position. One Egyptian
commentator, for instance, who refused to give his name, said the
following: "If I write against the veil I'll be looked on as an apostate,
but if I support it as symbolizing women's right to choose, I'll be
charged with betraying my principles." (Ha'aretz January 1.)
The Lebanese poet Adonis is among the few
outstanding Arab intellectuals who did not get cold feet. In an interview
with al-Mustakbal, a Lebanese TV station, he said that although the French
decision may derive from a desire "to defend the Republic" – and although
he is personally against the veil – he thinks it "a mistake to impose the
idea [of secularism] by force, even if it is basically correct."
The resurgence of this debate, two centuries after
France declared itself a secular state, signifies the crisis into which
globalization has catapulted Western society. The friction between the
rich global North and the poor global South puts values to the test that
formerly seemed unshakeable. The debate about the veil conceals a great
deal more than what appears on the surface, enabling us to assess the
political currents in French and global society.
The veil as a response to the radical right
The immediate spur to the problem in France came
when a state school, the Henri Wallon Lycée, expelled two sisters, Alma
and Lila Levy, because they insisted on wearing Muslim headscarves. The
decision was based on a French law of 1905, which separated church and
state. This law had replaced the century-old Napoleonic Concordat, which
had subjected religious institutions to state tutelage, confining them to
spiritual matters.
In recent years, however, there has been a sharp
rise in the number of women wearing the Muslim headscarf. This fact
prompted French Premier Jean Pierre Raffarin to support the initiative for
the new law. "Secularism is not negotiable," proclaimed President Jacques
Chirac in backing the move.
What is the fuel of this debate? Why does it break
out precisely now – and in Europe?
French Arabs have been thronging to the Islamic
movements in reaction against xenophobia and discrimination, which are on
the rise. The racist right wing is using the Muslims as a scapegoat –
especially Muslim immigrants.
Jocelyn Cesari, an Algerian scholar from Columbia
University, brings out another dimension, linking the Muslim migration to
Europe with the processes of impoverishment spurred by globalization. In a
paper entitled, "The Muslims in Europe and America," which was published
in Le Monde Diplomatique, she writes: "The candidates for migration
to Europe are usually those elements that suffer most from economic
hardship and have the least education in their original society." The
migration to Europe, Cesari continues, is connected to "the poverty that
afflicts the societies in North Africa, India and Pakistan." As a result
there are "huge social gaps which will have to be closed within European
society."
The gaps are not being closed. Many Europeans, on
the contrary, are turning their backs and closing into themselves, forming
a separate economic and social unit. This has caused broad sections of the
Arab community to do likewise, closing into themselves, though in a
different way: the withdrawal is to the mosques.
The events of 9-11 provided fuel for racist
movements like that of Jean-Marie Le Pen (who took second place in the
first round of the presidential elections in 2002). Those events gave a
dangerous boost to the notion that Islam = terror = everything that
threatens Europe and the West. There was a growth of incitement against
foreigners, who "grab" French jobs.
The destitute conditions of many Muslims in
Europe, as well as the right-wing extremism, are pushing some of them to
take "defensive" measures, as though to tell the Europeans: "We're not
going to let you reject us. Instead, we're pulling away from you
ourselves, in our own way." The turn to Islam is thus a reaction against
rejection by Europe. The Islamist political movements exploit the process
to increase their power, which has suffered erosion because of the
measures taken against them since 9-11.
Others too have stirred the brew of the veil
debate. Some see Chirac's support for the law as an attempt to outflank Le
Pen with a step that will win popularity – not necessarily for worthy
reasons. The president's pose would be more convincing if we saw him
jousting for social equality and against discrimination.
Such are the causes behind the renaissance of the
veil. But what about the effects? This renaissance, we shall hold, is a
false response to a true problem, and as such it breeds harm. Zionism too
was a false response to the true problem of anti-Semitism. Unlike Zionism,
however, the veil harms the very group that has adopted it. Both phenomena
occur as a reaction against the right wing by closing off, rather than
confronting it.
A radical feminist response
Dr. Nawal El-Sa'adawi, feminist and intellectual,
is among the most penetrating opponents of the veil. Sa'adawi used the
"World Social Forum" in Mumbai (January 2004) to condemn those Arab
dictators who cooperate with Islamic fundamentalists in order to win
popular support. She did not spare globalization either. She views the
veil as a means by which the male-dominated regime preserves its
privileges.
"In this war women are besieged by a double pincer
assault - that of corporate consumerism and the free market on the one
hand, and religious political fundamentalism on the other: ostensibly at
odds they actually combine to maintain the subjugation of women, to
control their minds and their bodies by patriarchal imprisonment, veiling
and domestication." (From "An Unholy Alliance" http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/2004/674/op2.htm)
Sa'adawi vehemently opposes the Islamist movements
that use the debate to shore up their power at the expense of women.
"This is no more than the age-old patriarchal
struggle over women's heads, the fear that they might begin to think and
throw off the bonds of slavery, of an inferiority enforced on them in all
religions and in all societies. For the Muslim men who raised their voice
in protest this was an integral part of their struggle to maintain men's
control over women, men's control over their minds. This was above all the
desire of Islamic fundamentalists to preserve the political power they
exercise in society, a cornerstone of which has always been power over
women." (Ibid.)
The women who march for the veil, Sa'adawi holds,
have fallen into the trap of false consciousness:
"Strangest of all however was the spectacle of
young women in the streets of Paris and Cairo and other cities
demonstrating against the French government's announcement in defence of
their right to wear the veil, and of God's divine commandments in defence
of this symbol of their servitude. This is a signal example of how 'false
consciousness' makes women enemies of their freedom, enemies of
themselves, an example of how they are used in the political game being
played by the Islamic fundamentalist movement in its bid for power."
(Ibid.)
A class-conscious response
It is far from accurate to present the donning of
the veil as a way of defending individual freedom. The freedom to choose
depends on the alternatives placed before Arab women. The renaissance of
the veil, we have pointed out, signifies the adoption of an isolationist
identity in the face of the rising right wing. The veil's first victims
are the women themselves. Arab and Muslim men, in contrast, need not wear
anything that sets them apart from the rest of society. The women who don
the veil withdraw from that society, under the pretext of protecting
themselves from the "dangers" and "temptations" of the West. In this way
they foreclose, as if by choice, opportunities for advancement and
integration.
Nor is it just the women who are harmed. The
headscarf propels the whole of Arab society into a cul-de-sac. The Islamic
organizations lack real answers for fighting discrimination, unemployment
and the radical right. Instead they propose that the Muslim community in
Europe isolate itself. Consider your misery, they say, as a test for
passage to a better lot in the world to come. Keep your eye on the pie in
the sky.
THE QUESTION is one of identity. Most Muslim
migrants belong to the working class. They come to secularist Europe in
order to work. It will be up to them to decide who they are to be: Muslims
first or workers? If they choose to be Muslims first, they are likely to
find themselves blocked from their rightful place in European society,
which will continue shunting them to the margins. If they choose to be
workers first, they will be able to place their struggle in line with that
of the working class in France, Germany and Switzerland, despite all the
artful attempts by the bourgeoisie and the right wing to divide them.
In saying this, we are aware of the mistaken notion
held by many European workers that the "foreigners" are their enemies. The
struggle will be hard, no doubt, but it only becomes harder when Arabs
wrap themselves in religious symbols, flying from the fascist right
directly into the arms of the fundamentalists. The latter have no weapons
by which to defeat the right. Such weapons are only to be found in the
camp of a united working class. n